31 October, 2013
Interview with Petre Mamradze, Board Chairman of Institute of Strategic Management

What’s in store for Saakashvili? Petre Mamradze, Board Chairman of Institute of Strategic Management, assesses the words of one of my acquaintances who called the nine-year period of Saakashvili’s rule “the nine-year carnage”.
P.M. – After the Rose Revolution Georgia needed, like air, modernization in every sphere. The steps taken during the first four years were indeed of historic significance: mass corruption was eradicated, results were unbelievable. By the
way, Ivanishvili was paying huge charity sums in order to ensure normal salaries for state service employees. At that time, for some reason, everybody thought that it was done by Soros. The situation at the customs was radically changed as the corruption was not noticeable any more. But enormous speed of reforms and their efficiency was conditioned not by legislation but political will that was often done illegitimately.
Saakashvili’s governance resembled very much first years of Mussolini’s rule; I mean detention and interrogation of former officials, forcing them to contribute money to state treasury and operation of Nationals common fund. It strengthened this political force. At the same time in accordance with the authorities’ political will, laws and rules were changed. The Georgia’s State budget increased eight times, pensions were delivered in time. All these created a basis for the nine year long stay in power.
He who unquestioningly fulfilled Saakashvili’s orders was a good politician. Due to this feature, Zurab Adeishvili was a high flyer who worked in the ex-PM Zhvania’s Office. At that time, Zhvania jokingly used to call him My Mickey Mouse. He said, I assign My Mickey Mouse to change a law and he does it for me in a month. After liberating Achara from Abashidze, Misha had a fad to gain Tskhinvali back and the ‘troika’ began to elaborate this issue.
Q. – According to your information, when he arrived in Georgia, what did Igor Ivanov tell to the Rose Revolution leaders?
A. – He was only sent to ascertain the situation here. Russia expected that the authorities that came to power via the Rose Revolution would try to restore territorial integrity through use of force. But in February of 2004 the situation was relieved a bit; Saakashvili went to Moscow and met with Putin. When speaking about the issues of restoration of territorial integrity Putin suggested the President of Georgia to use peaceful methods of action: to activate social-cultural-economic projects that would elevate trust to Tbilisi and then to speak about the status. With regard to Abkhazia, it would be more difficult. Putin was contented with this talk but two months later Saakashvili closed down the Ergneti fair and it was at that time when Putin’s words were spread through press that Saakashvili swindled him. I remember Thomas de Vaal wrote then: “If there was no Ergneti fair, Georgian authorities had to create it because it facilitates relations of Ossetians living not only in Tskhinvali but in the rest of Georgia.”
As a result, the situation worsened. In 2006, an operation was carried out in the Kodori gorge to clean the gorge from criminal groupings; it was a positive event but it had a negative result. Instead of making the gorge a bridgehead of relationship and friendship for us, UNO and Abkhazians (that was demanded by Americans), it was made a residence for Abkhazian de jure government in order to enable Saakashvili to say that Sokhumi was at a stone’s throw from there and we would soon be there. They named Kodori as Upper Abkhazia, did a lot of other foolish things and finally this territory was lost as well. Creation of the Sanakoev administration, his placement in Kurta and shouting of “Kokoity fandarast” were all an adventure. Later Vladimer Sanakoev declared that he was sent on FSB assignment; he did his job and went. This is how we came to 2007.
Q. – What was changed in the authorities after Zurab Zhvania’s death?
A. – Euphoric from the success in Ajara, Saakashvili decided to regain Tskhinvali and entrusted this matter to Irakli Okruashvili. You may remember what followed – bloodshed on a local level. But Saakashvili declared that he would leave the Dagomis Agreement and this filled Americans with indignation. All this was followed by Russia’s 51st army march to Roki Tunnel on 19 August.
It’s a fact that as a result of adventure and taking Russian provocation as bait, we lost more than hundred villages and Kodori.
Q. – In 2007 when the President resigned, nobody thought that he would manage to take the second term all the way to the end.
A. – In November 2007, injustice and violent policy brought the people out on streets. BBC counted 120 thousand people at the Parliament building; after raiding the action on the Saakashvili’s psychopathic order, Zurab Adeishvili said that not only Saakashvili but everybody should resign (!). Due to this, foreigners recognized Adeishvili to be a wise man. After this Saakashvili resigned, giving people ample promises about democracy, decentralization, freedom of court and media but in vain – he didn’t swerve from the taken path of violence.
It was at that time when I told Misha that either he fulfills the promises or he and his milieu find themselves in prison. Unfortunately he chose the second option. Today Merabishvili, Akhalaia are imprisoned; Kezerashvili was arrested in France; Adeishvili and Udesiani are wanted. Misha will by all means be taken and quite soon. If it doesn’t happen so, nobody will recognize Georgia as an accomplished state. Nobody abroad will protest Misha’s imprisonment either. This may happen not on accusations of betrayal of the country but other ones. For instance, it’s proved that he underwent Botox on the money of security service; financed his son’s expenses at a private school, bought jewels for Mariam Sajaia, etc. Overall he squandered more than 100 thousand. When Al Capone was imprisoned, the whole America laughed at the accusations brought against him because he had killed about 500 people but he was taken on charges that were most easily proved.

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